By Danny Yadron and Siobhan Gorman 

A group of American companies made a rare bet this week that sometimes it serves their business interests to admit they've been hacked.

The companies, named as the targets of illegal hacking by Chinese military officers in a U.S. indictment, took an unusual step into a harsh public spotlight that most firms have sought to avoid in the past.

The decision by Alcoa Inc., U.S. Steel Corp., the U.S. division of SolarWorld AG and others to take part in the government's legal assault on Chinese hacking reflected both the level of corporate frustration over hacking and the benefit of acting in numbers.

In this week's Justice Department indictment, attorneys bundled six cases together, avoiding a singular focus on any individual organization and emphasizing that there are multiple victims of the same hacking group.

"There's always safety in numbers," said Kevin Mandia, who founded the computer-security firm Mandiant, a division of FireEye Inc. "It makes it the new normal."

For years, companies have usually tried to steer clear of even taking their breaches to law enforcement for fear their hacking would be made public, wounding their reputations and stock prices.

The companies named as targets this week hadn't previously disclosed the breaches.

Executives and people familiar with the investigation said in interviews Tuesday that the firms had reached a breaking point. While they would have preferred to keep the breaches secret, they saw no other way to stop them.

"Of course there is the risk that customers and vendors or other stakeholders might think their data is insecure," said Ben Santarris, U.S. spokesman for SolarWorld. But the firm wanted "to bring this problem to light and to put criminals on notice."

John Carlin, head of the Justice Department's national security division, said there has been a "sea change" in U.S. corporate attitudes toward hacking penetrations. More and more, he said, companies are willing to be identified as victims to help the U.S. government pursue hackers.

When Mr. Carlin and his colleagues sought to select which cases to pursue for this first round of indictments, finding companies that would come forward publicly was a key criterion.

Prosecution is seen as a long shot in any event, considering that Beijing is unlikely to hand over the military officers named in the indictment. But without company cooperation, the case likely would have fallen flat.

Mr. Mandia said the case-bundling approach is a likely model for future efforts, and the current strategy will likely make other companies more willing to acknowledge hacking incidents publicly.

Other cybersecurity specialists were more skeptical that companies will willingly disclose their breaches.

"Unless they have an explicit or implicit obligation to disclose, the prospect of Justice Department indictments that will never lead to prosecution, much less diminished attacks, is nothing close to an 'incentive' to disclose," said Brian Finch, a cybersecurity lawyer with the Washington law firm Dickstein Shapiro.

On Monday morning, SolarWorld executives emailed employees and customers to stress that their data is secure. In the indictment, U.S. attorneys accused the hackers of breaking into SolarWorld's systems several times in 2012 to glean its strategy in a trade dispute with China.

The company first learned of the breaches, which have since stopped, from an FBI field office in 2012, Mr. Santarris said.

There are still plenty of cases where companies would prefer to keep breaches secret. Breaches at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Coca-Cola Co. and Chesapeake Energy Corp. were all first disclosed in news reports rather than corporate announcements.

But the Chamber did acknowledge its breach after receiving an inquiry from The Wall Street Journal in 2011.

The recent theft of 40 million Target Corp. payment-card numbers was first reported by Brian Krebs, a security blogger. The company has since said it was preparing to disclose the breach.

Experts have seen a shift among companies in the past year or two, though. Rather than trying to keep hacking incidents under wraps, companies have begun criticizing the White House response.

"We're reaching a tipping point," said James Lewis, a cybersecurity expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies who frequently advises Washington on cyber issues. "It's getting too expensive to eat the cost anymore. That's why I think the administration had to move. There has been an unhappiness with the perceived lack of action by the administration."

White House spokeswoman Laura Lucas Magnuson said she wouldn't discuss cybersecurity talks with firms, but she said, "We do want to foster a climate where there are clear and predictable rules of the road in cyberspace so that businesses can engage in the trade and commerce that benefit both the American and Chinese economies."

In private meetings last year, Alcoa Chief Executive Klaus Kleinfeld was angry that his company had lost a bid for a project in Africa, a person familiar with the matter said. Mr. Kleinfeld, the person said, had evidence foreign hackers were helping rivals outbid him by spying on Alcoa's bid strategy.

An Alcoa spokeswoman declined to comment.

After the FBI notified SolarWorld of its breach, the company did an audit of its cybersecurity defenses. When it took certain steps, the company noticed the breaches stopped.

Mr. Santarris said the company didn't know then that the U.S. government would use the company as a case targeting a hacking unit linked to the Chinese military. But SolarWorld executives agreed "to support whatever they're doing," he said.

"Our sort of mission-critical goal is to restore competition in the solar industry," he said. "We wanted to support the application of law."

Devlin Barrett contributed to this article.

Write to Danny Yadron at danny.yadron@wsj.com and Siobhan Gorman at siobhan.gorman@wsj.com

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